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Writing this book has been a pleasure, but it has also been frustrating. It was a delight to see that the facts of food preferences, eating, and food behavior conform in many ways to the general principles of psychology. Matching these, however, was often like putting together a jigsaw puz zle-looking at a fact and trying to figure out which psychological theories or principles were relevant. This was made more difficult by conflicting principles in psychology and contradictory findings in psychological as well as food-preference research. The material cited is not meant to be exhaustive. Undoubtedly, I have been influenced by my own research interests and points of view. When conflicting data exist, I selected those that seemed to me most representa tive or relevant, and I have done so without consistently pointing out contrary findings. This applies also to the discussion of psychological prin ciples. Much psychological research is done in very restrictive conditions. Therefore, it has limited applicability beyond the confines of the context in which it was conducted. What holds true of novelty, complexity, and curiosity when two-dimensional line drawings are studied, for example, may not have much to do with novelty, complexity, and curiosity in rela tion to foods, which vary in many ways such as shape, color, taste, texture, and odor. Nevertheless, I have tried to suggest relationships between psy chological principles and food preferences.
